Reality TV Formats.pdf

Reality TV Formats: The Case of Canadian Idol

Doris Baltruschat

Carleton University

Abstract: This paper discusses narrative development and audience interactivity

in reality television, with a particular focus on the “format franchising

processes” involving Canadian Idol . The staging of media events, recruitment

of semi-professional performers, and immersive online environments emphasize

the complexities of reality format adaptation, which involves the localization of

global media texts.

Keywords: Mass communication; Production/co-production; Broadcasting;

Internet; New media

Résumé : Cet article traite de développement narratif et d’interactivité avec le

public à la télévision réalité tout en mettant un accent particulier sur les

« processus de franchisage de formats » entourant Canadian Idol . La mise en

scène d’événements médiatiques, le recrutement de chanteurs semi-professionnels

et les environnements immersifs en ligne mettent en relief les complexités requises

pour adapter un texte médiatique mondial aux particularités locales de la région où

on le diffuse.

Mots clés : Communication de masse; Production/coproduction; Radiodiffusion;

Internet ; Nouveaux médias

The surge of reality TV programs since 2000 can be traced back to tabloid-style

documentaries, which first appeared in the late 1980s. Shows such as America’s

Most Wanted (Heflin & Klein, 1988), Cops (Langley & Barbour, 1989), and

Crimewatch (Gay, 1984) marked a fundamental shift from programming rooted

in investigative journalism to documentaries of diversion and display (Corner,

2002). Their development was linked clearly to the emergence of multichannel

television in the 1990s, which created the need for provocative programs to

attract audiences in an increasingly competitive media environment. The pro-

liferation of reality TV in Canada is also linked to changes in television pro-

gram development, especially the emergence of “format franchising,” which is

based on the adaptation of popular program concepts for different markets

around the world (for example, Canadian Idol , Canada’s Next Top Model, and

Deal or No Deal ).

Doris Baltruschat teaches in the School of Journalism and Communication, Carleton University,

Room 468, St. Patrick’s Building, 1125 Colonel By Dr., Ottawa, ON K1S 5B6. Email:

baltruschat@shaw.ca.

Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol 34 (2009) 41-59

Canadian Journal of Communication, Vol 33 (4)

This article details how reality TV producers attempt to create all-enveloping

experiences that transgress the boundaries of traditional broadcasts. They accom-

plish this by staging media events and engaging audiences in online environ-

ments. One reality format in particular— Canadian Idol (Bowlby & Brunton,

2003)—exemplifies how franchise format localization, or “glocalization,” 1

involves the engagement of actual and virtual communities to ensure its success-

ful adaptation for Canadian audiences.

The analysis presents key findings from a three-year research project on

international co-productions and TV format franchising. The study highlights the

importance of situating reality TV within its production context. In particular, it

demonstrates the need to address the complex interplay between producers, inter-

active audiences, and cross-platform media that underlies the “format franchis-

ing” processes of programs such as Canadian Idol .

From documentaries to docu-soaps and game-docs

The emergence of reality TV represents a shift from what Kilborn (2003) calls the

more “serious” representation of socio-historical events to programming that is

produced predominantly for entertainment purposes. Reality programs are linked

to different documentary forms, such as documentary journalism, cinéma vérité

traditions, and the observational documentary. However, due to elements of pop-

ular entertainment programming (e.g., talk shows, game shows, and soap operas),

reality TV ultimately creates its own generic map. Hill (2005, p. 50) suggests a

fact/fiction continuum, which reflects the sliding scale of factuality in these pro-

grams. The continuum covers contemporary documentaries and popular factual

entertainment ranging from docu-soaps and game-docs to makeovers and quiz

shows.

Similarly to documentaries, reality programs aim for the “articulation of the

authentic self” in order to depict “moments of truth” (Holmes, 2004, p 159). Tele-

confessionals in designated video rooms and individual strategies for winning the

game provide intimate accounts of unfolding events. Also, slightly off-the-mark

camera angles and out-of-focus shots contribute to a sense of immediacy and inti-

macy with characters and suggest a “fly-on-the-wall” experience for viewers.

Reality TV producers aim for this “tele-factuality” (Corner, 2002, p. 257), which

is reflected in statements such as “the camera doesn’t lie, [e]specially up close”

( Canada’s Next Top Model , Citytv, 2006). Similarly, the executive producer of

Big Brother states, “I wanted it to look live and exciting. . . . [T]his was not meant

to be a polished drama. We were filming it for real , and it was a virtue of the pro-

gramme that viewers understood that” (Ruth Wrigley, cited in Ritchie, 2000,

p. 11, italics added). Indeed, Lewis (2004) refers to a “tele-reality” into which

people from the “everyday world” are submerged to perform their role. Viewers

understand this blurring of boundaries between the public, private, and “adjacent

realities” (Lewis, 2004, p. 295). And they find pleasure in looking for moments

of “truth” that may shine through improvised performances (Hill, 2005).

Yet a closer look at the production context of reality TV reveals that such pro-

grams are highly contrived. Casting decisions and scripts linking locations and

circumstances for the purpose of creating action and conflict frame many story

lines (“Reality writer-anonymous,” 2005). A testimonial from Julia Corrigan, a

Baltruschat / Reality TV Formats: The Case of Canadian Idol

contestant on the BBC/Lion TV reality series Castaways (Mills, 2000), highlights

this aspect of the genres:

I hate to admit it, but the television company obviously thought that

some people/incidents were a lot more interesting than others in terms of

storylines! Yet the darker side of that is that there was a bit of harrying

going on to get us to do the things they wanted us to do. In the latter

stages, there were lists on the wall about what we should talk about in

video diaries. We did feel that events were being manipulated. (Corrigan,

cited in Kibble-White, 2004, p. 25, emphasis in the original)

Thus, in spite of claims of “authenticity” and the showcasing of “real peo-

ple,” reality TV programs are underlain by a subtext: the behind-the-scenes pro-

duction and economic contexts that are not apparent to the viewer. Kilborn (2003)

addresses this important aspect when he comments on the production context for

Castaways (Mills, 2000):

What was of course not shown . . . were the potentially far more reveal-

ing discussions between key members of the production team concern-

ing the structuring of the whole event: how the choice of specific

participants might generate certain types of dramatic conflict, how the

known likes and prejudices of the target audiences might be reflected in

a particular mix of characters and how the needs of certain embryonic

storylines might be served if certain casting decisions were made.

(Kilborn, 2003, p. 86)

Another key characteristic of reality TV production is the incitement of

“buzz” around shows in order to extend broadcasts into online environments and

conversations outside scheduled air dates (Scannell, 2002). In the late 1990s,

reality TV producers in the U.K. were the first to take advantage of new interac-

tive, cross-platform modes of production with the Idol and Big Brother formats

(Television Research Partnership, 2002; Wrigley, Powers, Green, & Jones, 2000).

Reality TV producers in the U.S. and Canada (with shows such as American Idol

and Canada’s Next Top Model ) now also tap into new revenue streams generated

from text-message votes, as well as downloadable ring-tones and music clips for

cellphones.

To create interest in cross-platform interactivity—from voting for contest-

ants to posting comments in chatrooms—producers use similar techniques to

those used in soap opera production: multiple story lines, which focus on human

relationships; close-up shots to connote intimacy; and heightened identification

with characters through online blogs. In addition, they use “cliff-hangers” to

entice audiences to return to the program the following week or to discuss poten-

tial outcomes with other viewers in chat rooms. Consequently, an important task

for reality TV producers is the creation of interesting story lines through casting

unusual characters and scripting dramatic narratives. In addition, producers

stage media events in the form of open auditions, which transgress the bound-

aries of regular programming and work intertextually across multiple platforms

and contexts. This point will be illustrated in more detail in the case study of

Canadian Idol.

Canadian Journal of Communication , Vol 34 (1)

Stories of change and transformation

The typical plot in reality programs involves a “story of change” (Hill, 2005). The

transformation of characters is an integral part of most narrative structures, but

stories of change in game-docs and talent contests follow a particular formula:

they tend to be about attaining success through fame (usually short-lived), in

addition to prize monies (or equivalent materials and goods) and contracts with

prestigious organizations (e.g., a record company or modelling agency).

Transformation processes in these programs therefore reflect predominant values

in capitalist societies that place individual achievements above collective goals.

The narratives are limited to the portrayal of people entrenched in competitive

environments for personal gain and exclude social transformations that benefit

society as a whole. Even in programs where alliances between contestants are

encouraged, one individual’s selfish pursuit is rewarded in the end. According to

Foster (2004), “The brand of reality depicted on Survivor reinforced the wide-

spread notion that self-interest ultimately trumps self-reliance, just as it coincides

with the formula for successful television programming: conflict is compelling

and conflict sells” (p. 280). Similarly, reality TV producer Mark Burnett com-

ments about Survivor (2000), “Compelling television comes from seeing rather

ordinary people put in uncomfortable situations—social interactions, not in the

peril of their lives. The best way to describe the show is social Darwinism ” (as

quoted in USA Today , 2000; italics added).

A key element in the transformation process in reality TV is the application

of consumer products to enhance a character’s physical appearance (for example,

Cover Girl cosmetics in America’s Next Top Model ). The intertwining of dramatic

narratives and product placements links the story of change to patterns of con-

sumption. In addition, this places an emphasis on the exchange value of products

rather than their use value (Jhally, 1987). For example, on the website for

Canada’s Next Top Model (Manuel, 2006), 2 each weekly episode is accompanied

by a “resource guide” listing sponsors, designers, and vendors that are featured

on the show. Stories of change, therefore, extend beyond the diegetic world of the

program and signal to viewers and users of interactive media (e.g., Internet,

PDAs, and video cellphones) that their own transformation can be achieved

through the consumption of featured products, thus closing the circle of viewer

identification with characters on the show.

Another narrative device is intervention by experts, often in the form of judg-

ing panels, which present obstacles, as well as opportunities, along the character’s

journey. Their presence as gatekeepers adds drama to the narrative, as they select

characters for the next stage of the contest and, ultimately, announce the winner.

Part of this admittance to the next (or final) stage is the “reveal” of the “trans-

formed character,” signifying the end of the character’s journey and the end of the

series. According to Scannell (2002), a game-doc such as Big Brother has “from

the start … a powerful drive toward a climactic moment of resolution” (p. 272) to

complete its narrative structure of beginning, middle, and end. In programs such

as American Idol (Fuller, 2002) and Canadian Idol (Bowlby & Brunton, 2003), the

revelation of the final winner is staged as a special television spectacle, denoting

the pinnacle of the series, which tends to draw the highest audience ratings.

Baltruschat / Reality TV Formats: The Case of Canadian Idol

Idol finales are broadcast live from special venues such as the Kodak Theatre

(used for the Academy Awards) in Los Angeles or Toronto’s Roy Thompson Hall.

They are also accompanied by special community events in the “home towns” of

contestants. For example, in 2004, 5,000 people gathered in Saskatoon’s Credit

Union Centre (formerly Saskatchewan Place) for the two-hour Canadian Idol

finale, which was broadcast on two giant video screens. The community “came

together” for the event to celebrate its local contestant Theresa Sokyrka, runner-

up for the title of Canadian Idol, which ultimately went to her competitor, Kalan

Porter:

The sight of Sokyrka on the big screens continually evoked ear-splitting

screaming, clapping and cheering and some fans jumped out of their

seats to get a better look at the hometown hero. At times, Credit Union

Centre took on a New Year’s atmosphere as fans carried balloons, blew

horns, threw confetti and did the wave. (Kachkowski, 2004)

In this instance, the narrative is intertwined with familiar cultural references

and national sentiment to create maximum resonance for viewers. The result is a

strong engagement with Canadian Idol , which has been referred to as one of the

most watched programs in Canada’s television history (CTV, 2005).

In the lead-up to the finale, the weekly “television stage” for many reality

programs is a “self-contained space” (usually a “house” such as the Idol Mansion

in Toronto or “The House” on Canada’s Next Top Model ) that is wired for video-

and sound-recording equipment to capture interactions between contestants. This

living space is a “televisual construct” (Kilborn, 2003, p. 80) that signifies the

story world in which the competition unfolds. In Canadian Idol and Canada’s

Next Top Model, the house is a grand mansion that extends the connotation of the

private luxury associated with the life of stars:

While the Idols were surely enjoying living it up in a swank downtown

hotel during the Top 22 phase of the show, it doesn’t compare to the star

treatment of the Top 10 and a spot in the exclusive Idol Mansion.

Located in a posh Toronto neighbourhood surrounded by sprawling

estates of the rich and famous, the 7-bedroom mansion has enough lux-

urious features to entertain even the most distractible Idol on a rare free

day. That includes an indoor pool, Jacuzzi, two saunas, racquetball/bas-

ketball court, home theatre, fitness room, and tennis court. (CTV, 2006a)

The mansions are depicted on program-related websites through photos and

descriptions, which invite comments from users of interactive media. The use of

a familial environment such as a house amplifies the blurred boundaries between

public and private realms and enhances viewer identification with the characters.

However, these houses are also voyeuristic settings and thus raise ethical ques-

tions about surveillance and the privacy of contestants (Andrejevic, 2004; Dovey,

2000; Glynn, 2000). 3

Program-related chatrooms provide additional entry points into the narrative.

As a result, interactive media users engage with content in a manner similar to

online communities dedicated to soap operas (Baym, 2000). These interactive

possibilities create the impression that viewers actually influence narrative pro-

Plik z chomika:

Inne pliki z tego folderu:

Inne foldery tego chomika: