The Book of Idols - Kitab Al-Asnam by Hisham Al-Kalbi.pdf - Arabia Magica - grimuary krain arabsko-muzułmańskich - morefaya2006

The Book of Idols (Kitab Al-Asnam) by

Hisha m Ibn Al-Kalbi

Preface

THE BOOK OF IDOLS

Introduction

Isaf and Ni'ilah

Suwa'

Wadd

Yaghuth

Ya'uq

Nasr

Ri'am

Manah

Allat

Al-'Uzza

Dhu-al-Khalasah

Sa'd

Dhu-al-Kaffayn

Dhu-al-Shara

Al-Uqaysir

Nuhm

'A'im

Su'ayr

'Amm-Anas

The Ka'bah of Najran

The Ka'bah of Sindad

Al-Qalis

Al-Fals

Al-Ya'bub

Bajar

BEING A TRANSLATION FROM

THE ARABIC

OF THE KITAB AL-ASNAM

BY HISHAM IBN-AL-KALBI

TRANSLATED WITH INTRODUCTION

AND NOTES BY

NABIH AMIN FARIS

1952.

Scanned by Andrew Vargo and made available

with the permission of Princeton University Press .

Download zip file ~76 KB

For questions, corrections of typos etc., please

contact Andrew Vargo .

PREFACE

Abu-al-Mundhir Hisham ibn-Muhammad ibn-al-Sa'ib ibn-Bishr al-Kalbi, better known

as ibn-al-Kalbi (d. A.H. 206/ A.D. 821-822 ) [1] , was a member of a distinguished

family of scholars residing in al-Kufah, then one of the two intellectual capitals of the

Muslim world. Like his father, abu-al-Nadr Muhammad [2] , he addressed himself

almost exclusively to historical and philosophical research in an age where

the hadith was the science par excellence. Not only Muslim interest in the life and

usage of the Prophet, but also the desire of official Islam to stamp out all that

belonged to the pagan days of Arabia, discouraged learned men from the pursuit of

studies which related to the so-called Jahiliyah days. According to the traditionists

who were then in full control of the intellectual life of the community, Muhammad

once said, "Islam destroys all that preceded it [3] " . The Prophet, undoubtedly, had in

mind the pagan religious of his country; but his followers, in their zeal to establish

the new faith, set out to eradicate everything which had its roots in the old order.

Consequently, the historians ( akhbariyun ), whose work was to record the past and

preserve its glories, were without honor in the Muslim community, particularly during

the early period of Islam. The great Arab historians flourished during a later period.

These, too, placed their emphasis on the Muslim era, and treated the pre-Islamic

days in a cursory manner. What is more, the word historian ( akhbari ) acquired a bad

meaning and became an epithet of near-contempt. It was applied to ibn-al-

Kalbi [4] as well as to any learned man who dared dwell upon Arab history before the

'Am al-Fil [5] . ' But no historian was attacked more virulently than ibn-al-Kalbi,

probably because he addressed himself to the study of those things which Islam was

determined to obliterate, namely the pagan religions and practices of Arabia. Thus

al-Baghdad i [6] preserves a saying current among the students of

the hadith concerning ibn-al-Kalbi's alleged lack of veracity. To them he was but an

amateur genealogist and a story-teller whose word no one would either accept or

quote. Al-Isfahani, too, despite his dependence upon ibn-al-Kalbi, attacks him in at

least two place s [7] , and asserts that everything which he had quoted in his authority

was false. Al-Sam'ani is still more outspoken. In his Ansab [8] he dismisses ibn-al-

Kalbi with the following sentence, "He ... used to relate odd and strange things, and

events none of which had any foundation." Another Muslim writer who disparages

ibn-al-Kalbi is al-Dhahabi. Besides calling him a rafid i [9] , he says, "He was not

reliable ... but merely an historian ( akhbari ) [10] " . Ahmad ibn-Hanbal deemed it

necessary to say of him, "I do not think anyone would quote him as an

authority [11] " .

All these attacks were undoubtedly motivated by fanaticism on the part of the

traditionists and the Koran readers. For his part, ibn-al-Kalbi had little respect for

them and for their studies, and did not commit the Koran to memory except under

the pressure of criticism [12] .

But ibn-al-Kalbi was not without his stout champions. Foremost among those were

al-Mas'udi and Yaqut. The former lists him among the best authorities and

acknowledges his indebtedness to him [13] . The latter actually defends him against

the vilifications of the traditionists. Discussing a controversial point in which ibn-al-

Kalbi was pitted against the other authorities, Yaqut accepts his report and says,

"This, therefore, confirms the statement of abu-al-Mundhir Hisham ibn-Muhammad

al-Kalbi. Bless his soul! Never have the learned men disagreed on any point without

finding his word the final authority. Yet despite all that, he is unjustly treated and

greatly maligned [14] . "

But his vindication has come from modern scientific research and archeology, which

have confirmed the greater part of his statements and supported him against the

fanatical criticism of his co-religionists.

His works . Ibn-al-Kalbi was one of the most prolific scientific writers of early Islam.

Al-Nadim [15] lists no fewer than one hundred and forty titles of his, while

Yaqut [16] says that they exceeded one hundred and fifty titles. Of these he

enumerates one hundred and eighteen on the authority of al-Nadim and adds three

on his own, making the list one hundred and twenty-one. Unfortunately, however,

nothing has survived except the Jamharat at-Nasab [17] , the Nasab Fhul al-Khayl fi

al-Jahiliyah w-al-lslam [18] , the Kitab al-Mathalib [19] , and the present work, namely

the Kitab al-Asnam . It is, nevertheless, possible to reconstruct a considerable part of

his works from quotations in other sources related on his authority. In fact, this is

exactly what Wellhausen did in the case of the Kitab al-Asnam [20] . " Lyall did the

same in the case of "The First Day of the Kulab [21] . "

The Kitab al-Asnam. This work has come down to us in a unique manuscript in the

Khizanah al-Zakiyah, the private library of the late Ahmad Zaki Pasha of Cairo,

Egypt. This manuscript, which was published by its learned owner first in 1914 and

again in 1924 [22] , has one of the most interesting and excellent pedigrees of any

known manuscript. It was transcribed from a copy made by the well-known scholar

abu-Mansur Mawhub ibn-Ahmad ibn-Muhammad ibn-al-Khidr al-Jawiliqi [23] , in A.H.

529/A.D. 1135, from another which he himself had copied in A.H. 494/A.D. 1100

from a manuscript in the handwriting of abu-al-Hasan Muhammad ibn-al-'Abbas ibn-

Ali ibn-Muhammad ibn-al-Furit [24] , whose excellent penmanship won him the

unanimous applause of the scholars of his time. Of him it was said, "His writing is the

final word in correctness and accurac y [25] ." Of the first copy which al-Jawaliqi made

in A.H. 494 nothing is known beyond the fact that Yaqut had access to it and used it

freely in preparing his geographical dictionary, the Mu'jam al-Buldan [26] . " He even

reproduced, with the omission of one link, the same chain of authorities which

prefaces the present recension [27] . Furthermore, most of the text of the Kitab al-

Asnam has been quoted by Yaqut, although it was broken up in order to conform to

die alphabetical arrangement of his Mu'jam. These quotations gave Wellhausen the

material for his great Reste Arabischen Heidentum s [28] .

The contents of the Kitab al-Asnam must have been known, not only to the great

Arab historians and geographers who followed in the wake of ibn-al-Kalbi and who

drew freely on his works, but also to more recent writers, two of whom have

preserved for us abridgments of the material contained there in. The first writer was

Jamal-al-Din abu-al-Faraj 'Abd-al-Rahmin ibn-abi-al-Hasan.....ibn-al-Jawz i [29] (d.

A.H. 597 / A.D. 1200), who abridged the work in his Naqd al-'Ilm w-al-Ulama [30] .

The second was 'Abd-al-Qadir ibn-Umar al-Baghdidi [31] (d. A.11. 1093 / A.D. i68:),

who reproduced its main contents in his Khizanat al-Adab wa-Lubb Lubab Lesan

al-'Arab [32] .

Except for the text contained in the Mu'jam al-Buldan and the abridgments preserved

in these two works, the learned world saw the Kitab al-Asnam for the first time in the

edition of Ahmad Zaki Pasha discussed above [33] . The present translation is based

on that edition as well as on the material preserved in the Mu'jam al-Buldan ,

reference to which has been made in every case. An attempt has been made to

identify every name whether of person or place. A few, however, resisted all such

attempts, in which case the fact has been indicated in the footnotes. Historical,

geographical, and linguistic notes have been added in order to elucidate the text,

which in several instances has also been emended, as an examination of the notes

will show. Subheadings to indicate the organization have been supplied by the

translator but, for the sake of typographic appearance, have not been enclosed in

brackets.

FOOTNOTES.

1. Al-Nadim, Kitab at-Fihrist , ed. G. Flugel, Leipzig, 1871-1872, pp. 95-98; ibn-

Sa'd, Kitab at-Tabaqat at-Kabra , ed. Eduard Sachau and others, Leyden, 1905-1921,

vol. vi, p. 250; ibn-Qutaybah, Kitab al-Ma'arif , ed. F. Wustenfeld, Gottingen, 1850,

pp. 266-267; al-Baghdadi, Ta'rikh Baghdad , Cairo, 1931, vol. xiv, pp. 45-46, ibn-

Khallikan, Wafayat al-A'yan wa-Anba' Anba' al-Zaman , Cairo, 1299, vol. iii, pp.134-

136; al-Anbari, Nu'zhat al-Alibba Tabaqat al-Udaba' , Lithog. Cairo, 1294, pp. 116-

118; al-Sam ani, Kitab al-Adib , ed. D. S. Margoliouth, Leyden, 1912, folios 485b-

486a; Yaqut, Irshad at-Arib ila-Ma'rifat al-Adib ed. D.S. Margoliouth, Leyden, 1907-

1926, vol. VII, pp.250-254; al-Dhahabi, Tadhkirat at-Huffaz , Hyderabad, 1333-1334,

vol. i, p.313. See also Ignaz Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien , Halle, 1889-

1890, vol.1, pp. 185-187; C. Brockelmann, Geschichte der Arabischen Literatur , vol.

I, Weimar, 1898, pp. 138-140; Supplement , vol. I, Leyden, 1937, pp.211-212.

2. Fihrist , p.94; ibn-Sa'd, vol. vi, pp.249-250, ibn-Khallikan, vol.II, pp. 301-302.

3. Muslim Sahih Iman: 53.

4. Tadhkirat at-Huffaz , vol.I, p.313.

5. cf. Irshad , vol. vii, pp.261 seq . The 'Am al-Fil (the year of the elephant) is

identified with A.D. 570 or 571, and is supposed to be the year in which Muhammad

was born. It is so called after the elephant which is said to have accompanied

Abrahah, the Aksumite viceroy of Yemen from A.D. 525-571, who marched against

Mecca in that year, but was, according to Muslim tradition, miraculously turned back.

6. Ta'rikh Baghdad , vol. xiv, p.46.

7. Kitab al-Aghani , Bulaq, 1285, vols. ix, p.19, XVIII, p. 161.

8. folio 486a.

9. Only al-Dhahabi (d. AH. 748/AD. 1348) accuses ibn-al-Kalbi of being a Rafidite,

while ibn-al-'Imad al-Hanbali (d. A.H. 1089 / A.D. 1679), in his Shajarat al-Dhahab fi

Akabar Man Dhahab , Cairo, 1350, vol.II, p.13, says that he had Rafidite leanings.

But both these are late, and the early sources are completely silent on this point.

There is, however, evidence that his grandfather and great-grandfather were active

partisans of 'Ali, having fought on his side in both the battles of al-Jamal and Siffin

( Ma'arif , p. 266). His father is supposed to have fought with 'Abd-al-Rahmin ibn-al-

Ash'ath during the latter's rebellion against al-Hajjaj ibn-Yusuf in A.H. 82/ A.D. 701

at Dayr al-Jamajim ( Ma'arif , p.266 ci. al-Tabari, Ta'rihk al-Rasul w-al-Muluk , ed. M.

J. de Goeje and others, Leyden, 1879-1901, vol.II, pp. 1074-1076). Beyond that

there is nothing to indicate that he was a Rifidite, either in the strict sense of the

term or in its loose application to the Shi'ites in general. He might have been an 'Ali

admirer, but hardly anything more. For the Rifidites as a distinct sect, see al-

Nawbakhti, Firaq al-Shi'ah , ed. H. Ritter, Istanbul, 1933, pp.53-55; al-

Baghdadi, Mukhtasar at-Farq bayn al-Firaq , ed. P. K. Hitti, Cairo, 1924, p.22.

10. Tadhkirat al-Huffaz , vol. I, p. 313.

11. Irshad , vol. vii, p.250.

12. Ibid ., p.251; Ta'rikh Baghdad , vol. xiv, p.46. The intent of the incident is, of

course, to show the prodigious memory of ibn-al-Kalbi. It also shows a tendency

towards independence at a very early age.

13. 'Muraj al-Dhahab , ed. C. Barbier de Meynard and Vavet de Courteille, Paris,

1861-1877, vol. I, pp. 10, 216.

14. Mu'jam al-Buldan , ed. F. Wustenfeld, Leipzig, 1866-1870, vol.II, p.158; see also

p.652.

15. Fihrist , pp.95-98.

16. Irshad , vol. vii, pp. 250-254.

17. Fragmentary manuscript copies of this work survive in the Escurial Library (no.

1693), the British Museum (no.1202), and in an alleged copy in the Bibliotheque

Nationale (no. 2047). The Rev. Paul Sabat announced in al-Muqqattam , April 7,

1925, the discovery of a complete copy of the Jamharah . See JRAS, 1925, pp. 507-

508. See also Giorgio Levi Della Vida, "Progetto di un' edizione della 'Gamharat al-

Ansab di Ibn al-Kalbi," in Actes du XVIII Congres Interriational des Orientatistes ,

Leyden, 1932, pp.236-237. The alleged copy in the Bibliotheque Nationale has

nothing to do with the Jamharah .

18. Published by Georgio Levi Della Vida, Leyden, 1928.

19. A copy of this work is in the possession of F. Krenkow.

20. See below, p. xi.

21. See C. Lyall, "Ibn al-Kalbi's account of the First Day of al-Kulab," in Festschrift

Theodor Noldeke , ed C. Bezold, Gieszen, 1906, pp. 127-154. Lyall reconstructed the

narrative from the pages of al-Anbari's commentary on al-Mufaddaliyat .

22. The only difference between the two editions is that the former was done on

special paper bearing, in the watermark, the monogram of 'Abbas Hilmi II, the last

Khedive of Egypt, to whom it was dedicated, and the date A.H.1329, the year of his

accession.

23. d A.H., 539/A.D. 1144; see Irashad , vol. vii, pp.197-199; ibn.Khalliken, vol.III,

pp.35-37.

24. Al-Qazzar according to ibn-al-Athir, al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh ed.

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