Naval Aviation News 1962-64 - Evolution of Aircraft Carriers.pdf

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EVOLU
of
AIRCRAFT CARRIERS
By Scot MacDonald
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FOREWORD
Since February, 1962, a series of articles has ap-
peared in Naval Aviation News under the title “Evolution of
Aircraft Carriers.” They measure up as an authentic, earnest
attempt to chronicle a history of carriers since the mobile
airfield idea was initially conceived.
Here, under these covers, are the entire contents of
those articles. This does not comprise a complete history
of carriers-- that history is still being written in seas a-
round the world.
This collection, based on information gathered from
many official sources, provides an interesting account of
how and why the carrier developed as it did.
It is the story
behind the perhaps better known
tale of carrier operations.
It is the story of change-- change dictated by operational
necessity and by technological progress. It is also the story
of how naval constructors took full advantage of technological
progress, and the lessons learned of operational experience
to solve the Navy's unique problem of taking aviation to sea.
As a result of their efforts and the constant improvement of
tactics necessary to weld sea and air power together, the air-
craft carrier stands today at the forefront of Naval power,
ready and able to defend the nation and to project national
interests to all parts of the world.
Vice Admiral, USN
Deputy Chief of Naval Operations (Air)
February 1, 1964
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USMC (6), Alfred A. Cunningham, USMC (5), John H. Towers (3),
AT GUANTANAMO 1913 fleet games, early Naval Aviators, in dark
P.N.L. Bellinger (8), W.D. Billingsley (9), and G. deC. Chevalicr (7).
uniforms, are (L) Victor D. Herbster (NO. 4), Bernard L. Smith,
Evolution of Aircraft Carriers
THE AEROPLANE GOES TO SEA
First Article in a Series
By Scot MacDonald
well known. Not so well known, but equally
as a dominant segment in our military estab-
itself, for the Navy was prompt to assess the
1944-1947; SecDef, 1947-1949.
‘The striking successes of carrier warfare in the Second World War are
important in its own right, is the story of the evolution of sea-air power
lishment. The formative years began almost with the birth of the aircraft
value of the newest weapon in its arsenal.’—James V. Forrestal, SecNav,
J ULES VERNE,
between the Navy and the swelling
author of startling desk of Capt. W. Irving Chambers in
number of letter-writers who were
science-fiction during the last half
1910. Capt. Chambers had recently
eager to advance their own schemes or
of the 19th century, would have rel-
been assigned as Assistant to the Sec-
ished some of the sketches, plans, and
retary’s
Aid for Material, and was designs involving aviation.
Less than seven years earlier, the
given the collateral duty of liaison
ideas for “aeroplanes” that crossed the
ELY’S AIRCRAFT is loaded aboard a special platform in USS
Birmingham at Norfolk for first take-off from ships, in 1910.
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.
Wright brothers had launched their
pusher biplane into a brief but im-
pressive flight. In the intervening
years, advocates of aviation fought for
recognition—and money.
At first, the Navy’s interest in avi-
ation was skeptical, if not openly dis-
couraging. Twelve years before Cham-
bers entered the picture, “The Joint
Army Navy Board to Examine Lang-
ley’s Flying Machine” was formed at
the urging of Assistant Secretary of
the Navy Theodore Roosevelt. A Navy
member reported favorably on it to
the General Board. But the Secretary,
upon the advice of another Bureau in
the Department, decided “the appar-
atus as [it] is referred to pertains
hers and two other officers were sent;
for the Navy, Chambers, and Naval
Aviation, it was a fortunate decision.
There he met Curtiss and the Curtiss-
trained pilot, Eugene Ely. At that time,
the Navy had neither an aircraft nor
a designated pilot. In a series of start-
ling tests, Chambers, Curtiss and Ely
demonstrated that this situation must
change, and soon.
Several problems nagged Chambers.
There was not conclusive proof, for
instance, that it was feasible to launch
and land aircraft at sea. And if there
was to be any future for aviation in
the Navy, it had to be demonstrated
aircraft could be operated in, and were
important to, the Fleet. Navy officials,
decide the destiny of nations.” And
he added, “Encumbered as [our big
war vessels] are within their turrets
and military masts, they cannot launch
air fighters , and without these to de-
fend them, they would be blown apart
in case of war.”
The “battleship controversy” was
on, puffed by publicity in a competi-
tive press. Curtiss added weight to his
argument by a series of tests in which
he lobbed 15 out of 22 “bombs” into
targets as large as and shaped like
battleships near Hammondsport, N.Y.
There was a rumor that France was
building an aircraft carrier. More to
the point, a growing group of enthusi-
asts,
the U.S. Aeronautic Reserve,
CAPT. W. I. CHAMBERS was O-in-C of Naval
Aviation jrom 26 Sept. 1910 until 17 Dec. 1913.
CAPT. M.L. BRISTOL relieved Chambers, served
until March 1916, led aviation in Gitmo games.
CAPT. NOBLE E. IRWIN was next leader, held
title, Director U.S. Naval Aviation in WW I.
strictly to the land service and not to
the Navy.”
On at least two important occasions
between then and 1910, the Navy
participated in or observed the fledg-
ling "apparatus” in flight-in the 1907
Jamestown Exposition and the 1908
tests by the Wright brothers at Fort
Myer, Va. But the Navy Board held
to the attitude that “aeronautics” had
“not yet achieved sufficient importance
in its relation to naval warfare” to
warrant Navy support.
It was not until 1910 that specific
action was taken to alert the Navy
to the potentials of aviation. In one
incident, pioneer Glenn H. Curtiss
successfully flew a prize-winning flight
between Albany and New York. At
its conclusion, he prophesied publicly:
“The battles of the future will be
fought in the air. The aeroplane will
asked the Navy to appoint a represen-
tative who would handle aviation mat-
ters. Since this civilian organization
enjoyed semi-official status, Capt.
Chambers was assigned to handle all
correspondence on the subject.
Chambers’ job proved far from
easy. He was given no space to work
in, no clerical help, no operating
money, no authority, and precious
little encouragement. Despite this, he
later wrote to Lt. T. G. Ellyson, “I
am endeavoring to start an office of
aeronautics here in such a way that
things will run smoothly without hav-
ing them all get into one Bureau and
made a mess of as was the submarine
question.”
In October 1910, the Navy was in-
vited to send the corps of midshipmen
to Halethorpe, Md., where an aviation
meet was to be held. Instead, Cham-
military and civilian, were still apa-
thetic about the program and gave it
token and grudging cognizance—when
they treated it with any degree of seri-
ousness at all.
The first test was prompted by plans
of a German merchant line to launch
a plane from one of its ships in order
to speed up its mail service. Chambers
was appalled that such an advance
might be made by a foreign power
when the aircraft had been, in fact,
developed by this country. He ob-
tained permission to make a similar
attempt at launching from the deck of
the cruiser Birmingham. The Wright
brothers were contacted, but they de-
murred; Ely was eager.
A temporary wooden platform was
erected on Birmingham at the Norfolk
Navy Yard. The German line, mind-
ful of the Navy’s experiment, moved
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.——.
——
original program, was the uncertainty
of stopping the ship or changing the
course in time to prevent running
over the aviator in case he should land
in the water.
“His demonstration, that an aero-
plane of comparatively old design and
moderate power can leave a ship in
flight while the ship is not under way,
points clearly to the conclusion that
the proper place for the platform is
aft. An after platform can be made
longer, will not require a lessening of
the stays of any mast and its essential
supports can be so rigged as a perman-
ent structure of a scout cruiser as to
cause no inconvenience in arranging
the other military essentials of the
ship’s design.”
News of the feat inspired a New
York Navy Yard worker to design a
light movable platform for installation
above the turrets in battleships for the
purpose of launching aircraft at sea.
Some Navy officials were enthusiastic,
but Chambers was not quite so ready
for this innovation. “Recognizing the
practicability of Quarterman Joiner
[E. C.] Keithley’s idea,” he wrote, he
could “not contemplate the use of
aeroplanes from turret ships in the
immediate future.”
Chambers’ reasoning was cautious.
As a result of the Birmingham flight,
he did not think it necessary to launch
aircraft into the wind. He had already
gone on record as supporting the place-
ment of the platform in the aft sec-
tion of the ship and saw no reason to
take a different stand. The safety of
pilots was another determining factor:
he feared they would be run over by
the ship if the plane, forced to ditch,
landed forward of the carrier.
Though Ely’s flight opened a few
Navy eyes, it did not loosen the
Navy’s purse strings. Glenn Curtiss,
at this time, offered to teach a Naval
officer the mechanics of flying, absorb-
ing the expense himself. Chambers
recommended the immediate approval
of the plan and Lt. T’. G. Ellyson was
ordered to Curtiss’ San Diego camp.
A series of experiments followed, in
conjunction with the pilot’s training.
Chambers, immensely pleased with
the Birmingham launching, was now
interested in proving it practical to
land a plane aboard a Naval warship.
Another platform was constructed at
Mare Island and permission was ob-
tained to install it on the armored
cruiser USS Pennsylvania. While the
vessel was anchored at San Francisco
on 18 January 1911, Ely launched
from a shore airdrome.
“There was never a doubt in my
mind that I would effect a successful
landing,” Ely is quoted in a March
1911 Naval Institute Proceedings arti-
cle. “I knew what a Curtiss biplane
could do, and I felt certain that if the
weather conditions were good there
would be no slip.”
AT VERA CRUZ aviation camp, Mexico, pilot
Bellinger,
right, poses with ground crew.
up its target date in an effort to be
the first to launch, and thereafter bask
in the honors of claiming a significant
aeronautical first. Luck was not with
them, however. An accident aboard,
caused by a careless workman, forced
a delay of the experiment.
Chambers’ plan went ahead without
a hitch. On Monday, 14 November
1910, Birmingham pulled into the
waters off Hampton Roads, in com-
pany with three torpedo destroyers.
Aboard was pilot Ely and his biplane.
Weather was unsatisfactory; visibility
was dropped by a low cloud cover and
there were light showers mixed with
hail.
Ely was not discouraged. He slipped
into the seat of his aircraft near three
in the afternoon and signalled his han-
dlers to let loose. The plane roared off
the platform, took a dangerous dip
when it left the platform, then swung
into the air. In the take-off, the skid
framing and wing pontoons of his
plane struck the water, nearly abort-
ing the flight. The prop tips were
splintered and water splashed over his
goggles. This brief baptism, and a
steady rain, blanketed his vision and
for a moment he swung dizzily in the
air. Finally, he spotted the sandy
beaches of Willoughby Spit and touch-
down, ending a 2 1/2-mile flight.
The flight was an extraordinary suc-
cess, but Chambers tempered his jubil-
ance with native conservatism. Said
he: “After [Ely] had demonstrated
his ability to leave the ship so readily,
without assistance from the ship’s
speed, or from any special starting de-
vice, such as that formerly used by
the Wright brothers, my satisfaction
with the results of the experiment was
increased.”
He admitted to pre-experiment per-
turbation: “The point of greatest con-
cern in my mind, carrying out the
PLANE LAUNCHES from catapult on cruiser Huntington. After U.S. intervention in WW I,
catapult was removed from all U.S. ships. Huntington spent war years in convoy escort duty.
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