ONA Nexion.pdf

Nexion:

A G uide To Sinister Strategy

Order of Nine Angles

Introduction

T he aim of NexionÓ is to present, without mystification, an essential aspect of Sinister strategy,

and one which al genuine Initiates are pedged to fufi: the aiding of Nationa-Sociaism and its

associated forms.

Nationa-Sociaism is presented here within the context of OccutismÓ (specificay Satanism)

and is thus expicated in its esoteric sense - as a form which can achieve something beyond itsef .

Because of this, the MSS contained herein, al written by, and hitherto secrety circuated among

members of the Satanic Order of Nine Anges, require an Aeonic awarenessÓ for their ful

appreciation; that is, the understanding of the essence of al forms behind their appearance. Such

an awareness, expressed both inteectuay and practicay, aids the estabishment of the next

Aeon, thus fufiing the Destiny of the Western Civiization.

Seen within a conventional context, the material herein is genuiney heretical - and

possession/distribution of it is iegal in many countries.

Gaudete hodie scietis qui a veni et Vindex...

Coire Riabhaich, ONA.

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Nexion:

A G uide To Sinister Strategy

Nexion:

Prologue

T here was a period, perhaps a miion years, when she had been bored. It was no onger so, for

she had spent the years of her chidhood ingering in a corner of a gaaxy watching the evoution of

ife.

It was fascinating, this watching and, devoid of time and material substance, she drifted as

pure but young consciousness around her chosen panet training hersef to comprehend the subte

changes that evoving ife assumed. There was no feeing in her because of this because for her no

feeing was possibe - the strange beings evoved from the dark waters by the transformations of

time were a curiosity to til her ide miion years.

But, as a chid, boredom came to her and she began, tentativey at first, to take form

among her chosen beings. She became the wonder of a man staring at the Briiant shimmering

stars bursting through the dome of night, the hand that moved its finger upon wet cay drying in

the dry heat of the sun, the sow, dim thought that brought through the agency of a man burning

fire from within the dryness of dark wood.

She became a woman sucking her chid, bringing strange sounds to the womans mouth

because she became perpexed by the sensations that fooded her consciousness through the

senses of the body. There was awe in the others around because of this and she stayed within the

body whie worship grew and the sensations became understood.

She became the wind that bore a ship across a sea, a storm that wrecked another ship and

the saviour of its crew. But she sensed with her deveoping senses other entities around her chosen

word, changing the feeings and thoughts of her beings, turning them away in a manner she did

not understand, from their dawning awareness of her essence expressed by their awe.

Across the centuries she saught an answer. She earnt, sowy ike the chid she stil was, the

possibiities that the feeings of her chosen beings represented: she experienced the ecstasy of a

woman, the savage passion of a kiing man, the grief, sadness, pain and joy of the smal tribe

whose evoution she had foowed. These experiences of feeing changed her bringing a confusion

to her consciousness.

Perpexed, she ventured among the other dimensions entwined within the cosmic structure

of her word. But other entities urked among the abyrinths of such spaces and she retreated to

the oneiness of her own dimensions to watch a young man intoxicated by music rush aong the

ee of a citys hi.

There was within this man a vision that drew him irresistiby toward the dimensions of her

own consciousness and brought her a strange feeing. She watched the young man casp the hands

of his bewidered friend and tel of the Destiny that, one day, he woud fufil - and his eyes

geamed with a frightening passion that tod of gods, of men striving against the gravity of ires

decine and of the stars that, one day, might be reached, His being seemed to take form in

defiance even of his own kind, reaching ever nearer to her and for the first time in her existence

her confusion of deveoping feeing, of sensual experience, coaesced into one moment of

awareness that in intensity overwhemed her consciousness.

But this feeing of ove did not ast, and this oss changed her. Sowy, and deiberatey, she

cut the ties that bound her as a chid to others of her kind. None of them woud know what she was

about to do whie, on her chosen panet, Adof Hiter waked sowy with his friend down from the

hi.

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3333.

Freedom ~ The Illusion

A great deal has been written and said recenty concerning the demise of Communism and

Marxism - particuary in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. Such views stem from a mis-

understanding of the nature of Communism and Marxism.

What has changed and what wil probaby change stil further are the external forms assumed by

those doctrines as wel as the names appied to describe them. What has not changed is the

essence of the doctrines themseves. Under different forms and names, far from suffering a demise

they have in fact undergone a resurgence and are set to be triumphant in not ony the WestÓ but

aso word-wide. To understand and appreciate this, it is necessary to consider what Marxism, for

instance, reay means. It is essentiay a striving for a certain type of society - a cassess and

egaitarian one. There are and have been differing views about how this may be achieved: about

what forms (ike governments) can be used to achieve it and about the nature of the strugge

necessary (revoutionary warfare or otherwise). Further, there are various ideas about what type of

economy is necessary to achieve such a society and maintain it once it is achieved. Al these

differences are reay irreevant - they are means, tactics, ony. Understood thus, Soviet society, for

instance, of the past seventy years, was a means: and one that to a considerabe extent was found

not to be very successfu. There is stil a desire, among ordinary peopes as among the ruers, to

create a better society - to strive toward goas which embody the essence of Marxism athough not

that descriptive name. The goas now are described by terms such as sociaismÓ and democracy.

In short, the ideal of a form of government/type of State and society which wil change peope and

the word for the better, give them a better way of ife, stil exists - this change being toward a

more equal society.

In the WestÓ and throughout the word, this ideal aso exists - and neary al governments and

poitical parties are committed to it, athough quite often the terms used are sighty different,

democracyÓ and consumerismÓ (and sometimes capitaism) being used instead. What is important

is that the striving is the same - adherence to an ideal is the same, and that in al important

respects this idea, despite the different terms used, is the same as that of Marxism. Words ike

democracyÓ and freedomÓ have become power or totem' words possessed of an amost reigious

fervour and describing an amost reigious commitment to the ideas and principes which those

words are supposed to represent. Furthermore, these words have become entwined with

governmental forms and types of State: that is, to be freeÓ and democraticÓ is to ive within a

society which has a freeÓ and democraticÓ form of government - i.e. eections of the pariamentary

type. The size and extent of such a State is considered irreevant, as is its ethnic and cutural mix.

What is important is one person, one (free) vote. The striving of the democraticÓ countries is

toward more democracyÓ and more equaity - toward a better society. It is this striving for an

idea, and the fact that the ideal is seen in terms of societyÓ and its power-forms ike governments,

as wel as in the aim of equaity and commonaityÓ that the essential simiarity between Marxism

and democracyÓ exists.

To make this even cearer, democracyÓ as an ideal and as a means wil be considered. A

democratic society is in theory a freeÓ society: one that respects the rights of the individua. In the

democratic societies of the West, for instance, this is true - in some ways: i.e. providing one does

not uphod a view contrary to the accepted. Those who do - and who agitate against the State -

are subject to severe penaties: oss of iberty, discrimination, intimidation and so on. What, then,

is this accepted? It is fundamentay a beief in the doctrines of equaity and muti-cuturaism -

aied to the one person, one voteÓ idea and the acceptance that society is governed by what

amounts to professional poiticians whose quaifications for office aways incude being respectabeÓ

and conforming to a certain weakness of character. The troubesome minority in these societies

who do not uphod these views have aws passed against them - aws which not ony prevent free

expression on certain matters (such as race) but which aso preserve the status quo, making it

difficut for real revoutionaries to gather mass support and thus chaenge for power (one thinks of

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Pubic OrderÓ acts here, which forbid protecting ones meetings and demonstrations from the

vioence of ones opponents). In brief, those who uphod these ideas of equaity, democracyÓ and

so on, have a strangehod on power - and these ideas are remorseessy taught by the State: the

peope are educatedÓ into them, from birth onwards. The freedomÓ of such a society means the

freedom to beieve these ideas, and these ony: there is no real dissent. A cassic case concerns

certain facts of history - it is iegal in some of these freeÓ States (and heretical in al of them) to

dispute the fact that miions of Jews were exterminated during the Second Word War. A heretic

who gives voice to doubts about the officiaÓ version of events is imprisoned, fined, subject to

physical attack - and deprived of their empoyment if they happen to work for a government body

or in any official capacity.

In short, there is no real freedom at al - ony a sef-perpetuating system of servitude to a set of

ideas, those ideas having itte to do, despite their names, with real democracy and real freedom.

These ideas are essentiay Marxist in reaity, athough they are variousy described as sociaist,

ibera, egaitarian and democratic.

What, then, is real democracy? First, democracy is not a particuar type of government nor a

system of voting: it is an outward expression of freedom among a community who share the same

cuture and thus aspirations (or instinctive view of the word or sense of Destiny). One of the

distinguishing features is smaness - it means personal knowedge of others. Another, is that it

truy embodies the wiÓ or spirit of the community. That is, democracy is ony reay democracy

when it is tribal or communal (e.g. ike an Ango-Saxon moot) - when it is oca. Beyond this, it

becomes something ese entirey - a kind of oigarchy. In al modern States, the democraticÓ

system is impersonal and abstract, deaing in the main with abstract and irreevant issues - in a

genuine democracy, a Representative of the peope woud know most of those peope personay:

their concerns, their ives and so on. Modern democracyÓ de-humanizes the individual as wel as

deaing in poitical abstractions that are imposed on the peope. Further, and perhaps most

importanty, the peope or fok whose views and aspirations are given free expression must be

homogenous - that is, possess a common root and thus heritage. This means that basicay most of

them wil possess the same instincts, nurture the same ideas and hopes - the same ethos, that

which ies in their bood. When this is not so, there is no real democracy, since, fundamentay,

democracy impies this reaness, this deaing with what is embodied in the term ethos, this

concern for the fundamental (one might amost say spiritua) concerns of iving over and above the

purey material and the purey abstract.

Expressed another way, genuine democracy is iving - an expression of a peopes "sou" whereas

sham democracy (the kind evident today) deas with abstractions and is dead, inteectua, dry,

arid. And it can ony be iving when the peope or fok are a genuine community - that is, inked by

ties of bood, by race. Material goods are not the essence of freedom - fufiing the potential of

ones sef (and thus fufiing the potential of the fok itsef) is. Democracy, of the genuine sort, is a

means enabing this. Anything ese is a negation of that potential - a potential which arises because

the individual is not an isoated entity, but a part of the fok: part of the past which made that

individual possibe and part of the future. We, as individuas, are ony fuy human when we reaize

and understand and accept how we, as individuas, reate to what is past and what can arise in the

future - when we are aware of our pace in the scheme of things. Or, expressed another way, how

we reate to Nature and what is beyond Nature (the gods). This knowedge gives perspective and

meaning to our ives, and it is such knowedge - an expression of the fact that we are thinking

beings - that is the essence of our humanity. For being human does not mean adhering to a certain

set of vaues or acting in certain moral ways. It means an understanding (if ony intuitivey) of

what ife reay means, of what is reay important.

In the most obvious sense, this reatingÓ is to our immediate famiy - our kin. For most, what is

reay important is famiy, particuary our chidren. They are our seed, and the seed to pant future

generations, just as we are the pants grown from the seed of our ancestors. Thus, we are not

isoated, but part of an evoution - a connection between the past and the future, part of the

potential of that future. We become fuy human, as against sefish, when we appreciate this and

aid the fufiment of that potentia. We have not been born by chance, in isoation - but embody

the hopes and aspirations of our ancestors and the heritage they represented and by their very

existence preserved. Furthermore, we and our own descendants - or our deeds, or both - extend

that heritage, taking evoution toward higher reams, thus fufiing the purpose of ife.

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