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German History
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Book Review: The Cinema's Third Machine. Writing on Film in
Germany, 1907-1933
Erica Carter
German History
1998; 16; 104
DOI: 10.1177/026635549801600130
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104
Book Reviews
Germany, on the other hand, was 'the youngest, strongest and hungriest wolf among
the great powers', and Serbia was 'even hungrier and more ravenous' (p. 394).
Rolf Steininger analyses the ill-fated project of a German-Austrian Customs Union
which was prepared by secret negotiations in Vienna in March 1931. Fierce opposition,
especially from Czechoslovakia, was anticipated, for it would view the plan as an attack
on its existence, a step towards the dreaded Anschiuss. The forecast proved entirely
correct. The French government too did everything to torpedo the project and it 'failed
miserably' (p. 474): a clear defeat for the German Foreign Minister Julius Curtius and
his Austrian counterpart Johann Schober. Franz Mathis investigates the 'economic'
motives in favour of a union prior to 1938 and finds that the attitude of the economic
associations was by no means uniform on account of the economic backwardness of
Austria and that German industrialists were not very keen to invest in Austria; this only
changed because of the rapid rearmament of Germany. Dieter Binder writes on German-
Austrian relations in 1933-8 and claims that the vicious propaganda of the Austrian
Nazis presented no danger to the Schuschnigg govemment; but this had a very weak
basis, the Third Reich and its full employment attracted. large numbers of Austrians,
and the grossdeutsch ideology was all-pervasive. Franz Muller looking at the same years
stresses the important part played by Papen as Hitler's special envoy in Vienna. Papen
tried to divide the Heimwehr and the Christian Social supporters of the govemment and
worked for 'evolution' in the relations between the two countries, a slow absorption of
Austria in a Greater Germany.
Evan Burr Bukey looks at the slowly changing attitudes of the Austrians to the
Ostmark of 1938-45. Large sections of the strongly Catholic rural population remained
aloof and suspicious' and 'impervious to Nazi ideology' (p. 520), and in Vienna the
socialist subculture was preserved. He claims that 'most Austrians saw eye to eye on
the Jewish Question, holding both Jews and Jewry accountable for the suffering and
distress of the past half century' (p. 514), He forgets that before 1933 well over a third
ofthe people constantly voted for the SPO, a party in which Jews occupied many leading
positions, and that the party was particularly strong in Vienna, in spite of all local anti-
Semitism. The volume concludes with two interesting essays by Michael Gehler on the
close relations between Austria and the German Federal Republic in the years 1945-
60. It can be recommended to all interested in the ever-changing pattem of Austro-
German history.
London
The Cinema's Third Machine. Writing on Film in Germany, 1907-1933. By
Sabine Hake. Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press. 1993. xvii
+ 353 pp. £35.
It was until recently something of a commonplace in Anglo-American film studies to
identify film history-in contrast to film theory or textual criticism-as a poor relation
withi n this young, but nonetheless well-established academic discipline. Born out of
interdisciplinary encounters between literary studies, cultural theory and the visual disci-
plines, film studies in the institutional form it has taken in Britain and the US since the
1970s has tended to foreground the textuality of film-and this at the expense, arguably,
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Book Reviews
in recent years of various introductory textbooks in the field can be read as indicating
a re-centring of disciplinary attention on film history, then this must be attributed in
part at least to the work ofhistorians ofGerman cinema. The status of film in a German
context is of course that of a medium tamished by its mid-century associations with
National Socialism; and it is this above all that produces the preoccupation in German
film history with relationships between the audio-visual text, and the political, social
and cultural context in which it is embedded.
In recent film histories of the Wilhelmine and Weimar periods, this concem with an
historicizing of film-textual meaning has often been articulated through an investigation
of film in its relation to implied as well as actual spectators. Exemplary.here are studies
of the female audience for early cinema by Miriam Hansen, Heide Schlupmann, Patrice
Petro and others; influential, too, are Thomas Elsaesser's psychoanalytic explorations
ofvisual pleasure in Weimar cinema. It is, furthermore, within this new reception history
that Sabine Hake's The Cinema's Third Machine finds its place-as does, incidentally,
her other work on such issues as Chaplin reception in Weimar, or on Ermst Lubitsch
comedies and female spectatorship. A critical history of writings on film between 1907
and 1933, Hake's book sets out in the first instance to assemble, digest and present a
mass of hitherto inaccessible primary material, from articles in the pre-war trade press,
through the polemical tracts of the Kinoreformbewegung, to early film sociology, as
well as literary, psychological and philosophical writings on the cinema. The monumen-
tal scope of this enterprise might have produced rather unwieldy results, were the book
not held together by an argument that is lucidly and persuasively pursued throughout.
Hake's aim is to reconstruct the critical discourses that surrounded the film medium
from its earliest days; and her central point is that 'the cinema' is as much a product
of the discursive practice of writing, as it is of film in its manifestation as celluloid
artifact and audio-visual text. That argument gathers weight as we move through the
book. What begins as a rather turgid account of apparently minor writings from the
trade press is revealed in later chapters as the necessary context for a reevaluation of
canonical writings on Wilhelmine and Weimar cinema. Emilie Altenloh's 1914 study
of contemporary film audiences loses none of its status as a pioneering work of film
sociology in Hake's study; but it does acquire new meanings as part of a wider contem-
porary debate on the filmgoing masses and the threats or benefits they represented for the
nation. Similarly, the book's concluding chapters on three classical theorists of Weimar
cinema-Bela Balazs, Siegfried Kracauer and Rudolf Amheim-are significantly
enriched by insights from preceding chapters into contributions to the same debate by
figures of rather lesser cultural cachet: such popular writers as Vicki Baum or Hedwig
Courths-Mahler, for instance, or newspaper reviewers whose names have long since
passed out of official film history.
This historicizing of film theory, its presentation as the collective cultural production
of a specific place and time, is perhaps the most significant achievement ofHake's book.
There are, however, other reasons to laud The Cinema's Third Machine. Despite the
specialist nature of Hake's interest in cinema, her book provides vivid insights into the
broader cultural struggle between aficionados of 'high' and popular culture in the period.
Witne ss for example Hake's account of the cinema reformers' disdain for narrative film,
their promotion of the documentary form per se as a privileged vehicle of Bildung, or
her foregrounding, in a discussion of literary responses to film, of the anxiety with which
the literary world responded to its marginalization by this new mass medium. For film
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Book Reviews
rethink the canon of Weimar cinema in response to a reception history that establishes
not film movements (Expressionism, Neue Sachlichkeit) but such diverse objects as cin-
ema architecture (in Kracauer's work for instance) or film stars from Asta Nielsen to
Harry Liedtke as the primary focus of interest for Weimar writers on film?
Inevitably, given its ambition, there are points when Hake's book founders. There is
sometimes an unwieldy feel to her juxtaposition of cultural theory with minute presen-
tations ofprimary material. At times, the minutiae dominate; at times, theoretical reflec-
tion loses its historical referent. There is a problem, too, with the lack of illustrations.
Hake's writing is punchy enough to be described as visceral at points, and of course
her reference throughout is to the visual medium of film. The modemist graphics of the
cover suggest the publishers' awareness of the book's visual associations: but it remains
a shame that a book with such strong sensual appeal should be so entirely devoid of
visual illustration. Nonetheless, this book deserves acclaim, not only as an impressive
work of scholarship, but as a model for future histories that set out to study film; not
as a handful of discrete and historically disconnected texts, but as the proliferation of
cultural discourses that constitute the object 'cinema' in history.
University of Warwick
ERICA CARTER
The Rise and Fall of Weimar Democracy. By Hans Mommsen. Translated by
Elborg Forstef and Larry Eugene Jones. Chapel Hill and London: University
of North Carolina Press. 1996. xv + 604 pp. US$65.
Hans Mommsen's monumental history of the Weimar Republic, Verspielte Freiheit,
deserves a wide readership in its English translation, and it will be very useful to gener-
ations ofstudents. It is very detailed, especially on financial affairs and the machinations
of the industrialists, but does not include the flourishing arts and literature of the time.
The book clearly discusses the many crises and weaknesses of the Weimar Republic,
the fragmentation ofthe political parties, the 'erosion of parliamentary control' (p. 185),
even during the best years, and the slow road to dictatorship. In Mommsen's opinion
Weimar was 'fundamentally flawed' in 'its broader implications' (p. 88). Yet, rather
surprisingly, in the Preface he finds that it showed 'a remarkable degree of political
stability' (p. vii): a claim not even bome out for the so-called 'good years' after 1923.
As to 1923, the 'crisis ofthe parliamentary system' was overcome with the stabilization
of the mark, but 'severe wounds' remained (p. 170). The rise of the NSDAP is analysed
in detail and very convincingly, except on one point: according to recent research the
party's success among the working class was not 'almost exclusively limited to perma-
nently unemployed younger workers' (p. 354) but it was also quite successful among
industrial workers proper, although less so than among other social groups.
The translation reads on the whole quite well, but unfortunately many small errors
have crept in, only some of which can be listed here. The para-military youth organiza-
tion of the KPD was not called Rote Jugendfront but Rote Jungfront, and the 'Red
Falco ns' were the c hildren's organization of the SPD, not of the KPD (pp. 233, 307).
The Third Intemational was the Comintem, not a Socialist one (p. 96). The Truppenamt
was not an 'office of general military personnel' (p. 82) but the camouflaged general
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