lacedaemonians.pdf

The Polity of the

Athenians and

the

Lacedaemonians

____________________

Xenophon

Translation by H. G. Dakyns

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THE POLITY OF THE ATHENIANS

Now, as concerning the Polity of the Athenians,[1] and the type

or manner of constitution which they have chosen,[2] I praise it not,

in so far as the very choice involves the welfare of the baser folk

as opposed to that of the better class. I repeat, I withhold my praise

so far; but, given the fact that this is the type agreed upon, I

propose to show that they set about its preservation in the right

way; and that those other transactions in connection with it, which

are looked upon as blunders by the rest of the Hellenic world, are

the reverse.

[1] See Grote, "H. G." vi. p. 47 foll.; Thuc. i. 76, 77; viii. 48;

Boeckh, "P. E. A." passim; Hartman, "An. Xen. N." cap. viii.;

Roquette, "Xen. Vit." S. 26; Newman, "Pol. Arist." i. 538; and

"Xenophontis qui fertur libellus de Republica Atheniensium," ed.

A. Kirchhoff (MDCCCLXXIV), whose text I have chiefly

followed.

[2] Lit. "I do not praise their choice of the (particular) type, in so

far as . . ."

In the first place, I maintain, it is only just that the poorer classes[3]

and the People of Athens should be better off than the men of birth

and wealth, seeing that it is the people who man the fleet,[4] and

put round the city her girdle of power. The steersman,[5] the

boatswain, the lieutenant,[6] the look-out-man at the prow, the

shipright--these are the people who engird the city with power far

rather than her heavy infantry[7] and men of birth of quality. This

being the case, it seems only just that offices of state should be

thrown open to every one both in the ballot[8] and the show of

hands, and that the right of speech should belong to any one

who likes, without restriction. For, observe,[9] there are many of

these offices which, according as they are in good or in bad hands,

are a source of safety or of danger to the People, and in these the

People prudently abstains from sharing; as, for instance, it does not

think it incumbent on itself to share in the functions of the general

or of the commander of cavalry.[10] The sovereign People

recognises the fact that in forgoing the personal exercise of these

offices, and leaving them to the control of the more powerful[11]

citizens, it secures the balance of advantage to itself. It is only those

departments of government which bring emolument[12] and assist

the private estate that the People cares to keep in its own hands.

[3] Cf. "Mem." I. ii. 58 foll.

[4] Lit. "ply the oar and propel the galleys."

[5] See "Econ." viii. 14; Pollux, i. 96; Arist. "Knights," 543 foll.;

Plat. "Laws," v. 707 A; Jowett, "Plat." v. 278 foll.; Boeckh, "P.

E. A." bk. ii. ch. xxi.

[6] Lit. "pentecontarch;" see Dem. "In Pol." 1212.

[7] Aristot. "Pol." vi. 7; Jowett, "The Politics of Aristotle," vol. i.

p. 109.

[8] {klerotoi}, {airetoi}.

[9] Reading with Kirchhoff, {epeo tou}, or if {epeita}, "in the next

place."

[10] Hipparch.

[11] Cf. "Hipparch." i. 9; "Econ." ii. 8.

[12] E.g. the {dikasteria}.

In the next place, in regard to what some people are puzzled

to explain--the fact that everywhere greater consideration is shown

to the base, to poor people and to common folk, than to persons of

good quality--so far from being a matter of surprise, this, as can

be shown, is the keystone of the preservation of the democracy. It

is these poor people, this common folk, this riff-raff,[13]

whose prosperity, combined with the growth of their numbers,

enhances the democracy. Whereas, a shifting of fortune to the

advantage of the wealthy and the better classes implies the

establishment on the part of the commonalty of a strong power in

opposition to itself. In fact, all the world over, the cream of society

is in opposition to the democracy. Naturally, since the smallest

amount of intemperance and injustice, together with the highest

scrupulousness in the pursuit of excellence, is to be found in the

ranks of the better class, while within the ranks of the People will

be found the greatest amount of ignorance, disorderliness, rascality-

-poverty acting as a stronger incentive to base conduct, not to speak

of lack of education and ignorance, traceable to the lack of means

which afflicts the average of mankind.[14]

[13] Or, "these inferiors," "these good-for-nothings."

[14] Or, "some of these folk." The passage is corrupt.

The objection may be raised that it was a mistake to allow

the universal right of speech[15] and a seat in council. These should

have been reserved for the cleverest, the flower of the community.

But here, again, it will be found that they are acting with

wise deliberation in granting to[16] even the baser sort the right

of speech, for supposing only the better people might speak, or sit

in council, blessings would fall to the lot of those like themselves,

but to the commonalty the reverse of blessings. Whereas now, any

one who likes, any base fellow, may get up and discover something

to the advantage of himself and his equals. It may be retorted: "And

what sort of advantage either for himself or for the People can such

a fellow be expected to hit upon?" The answer to which is, that in

their judgment the ignorance and baseness of this fellow, together

with his goodwill, are worth a great deal more to them than your

superior person's virtue and wisdom, coupled with animosity. What

it comes to, therefore, is that a state founded upon such institutions

will not be the best state;[17] but, given a democracy, these are the

right means to procure its preservation. The People, it must be

borne in mind, does not demand that the city should be well

governed and itself a slave. It desires to be free and to be

master.[18] As to bad legislation it does not concern itself about

that.[19] In fact, what you believe to be bad legislation is the very

source of the People's strength and freedom. But if you seek for

good legislation, in the first place you will see the cleverest

members of the community laying down the laws for the rest. And

in the next place, the better class will curb and chastise the lower

orders; the better class will deliberate in behalf of the state, and not

suffer crack-brained fellows to sit in council, or to speak or vote in

Parliament.[20] No doubt; but under the weight of such blessings

the People will in a very short time be reduced to slavery.

[15] Lit. "everybody to speak in turn."

[16] Or, "it is a counsel of perfection on their part to grant to,"

etc.

[17] Or, "the ideal state."

[18] Or, "and to govern and hold office."

[19] Or, "it will take the risk of that."

[20] See Grote, "H. G." v. p. 510 note.

Another point is the extraordinary amount of license[21] granted

to slaves and resident aliens at Athens, where a blow is illegal, and

a slave will not step aside to let you pass him in the street. I

will explain the reason of this peculiar custom. Supposing it were

legal for a slave to be beaten by a free citizen, or for a resident alien

or freedman to be beaten by a citizen, it would frequently happen

that an Athenian might be mistaken for a slave or an alien and

receive a beating; since the Athenian People is no better clothed

than the slave or alien, nor in personal appearance is there any

superiority. Or if the fact itself that slaves in Athens are allowed to

indulge in luxury, and indeed in some cases to live magnificently,

be found astonishing, this too, it can be shown, is done of set

purpose. Where you have a naval power[22] dependent upon

wealth[23] we must perforce be slaves to our slaves, in order that

we may get in our slave- rents,[24] and let the real slave go free.

Where you have wealthy slaves it ceases to be advantageous that

my slave should stand in awe of you. In Lacedaemon my slave

stands in awe of you.[25] But if your slave is in awe of me there

will be a risk of his giving away his own moneys to avoid running a

risk in his own person. It is for this reason then that we have

established an equality between our slaves and free men; and again

between our resident aliens and full citizens,[26] because the city

stands in need of her resident aliens to meet the requirements of

such a multiplicity of arts and for the purposes of her navy. That is,

I repeat, the justification for the equality conferred upon our

resident aliens.

[21] See Aristot. "Pol." v. 11 and vi. 4; Jowett, op. cit. vol. i. pp.

179, 196; Welldon, "The Politics of Aristotle," pp. 394 323; Dem.

"Phil." III. iii. 10; Plaut. "Stich." III. i. 37.

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