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POISONS OF ANCIENT ROME
POISONS, POISONING AND THE DRUG TRADE IN ANCIENT ROME
L Cilliers & F P Retief (University of the Free State)
S UMMARY
The first recorded instance of poisoning in ancient Rome occurred in 331 BC when,
during an epidemic, a large number of women were accused of concerted mass
poisoning. Overreaction of the community in times of stress particularly, when
scapegoats for unexplained phenomena are sought, might have played an important
role in this and many subsequent incidents of suspected poisoning. Rome
represented a culture steeped in superstition, fear and mythology with virtually no
scientific means of retrospectively proving or disproving alleged poisoning. The
drug trade in antiquity is briefly reviewed, from the Marsi and rootcutters who
collected materials, and the intermediary herbalists and drug pedlars, to the
physicians and other prescribers of drugs. There was a general lack of proper
knowledge, which led to much abuse and death of patients. The distinction between
these professional groups was often vague and physicians were generally not held
in high regard. From authoritative writings of Theophrastus, Dioscorides, Pliny and
others it is evident that the Romans were aware of a very large number of toxic
(and assumed toxic) substances, of plant, animal and mineral origin, but it is
evident that the poisoners of ancient Rome almost exclusively made use of plant
(and to lesser extent animal) products, and not mineral poisons. A brief overview of
the recorded crimes by poison, and known poison dispensers of the time is given.
Poisoning probably reached a maximum during the 1st and 2nd centuries AD , when
the Julio-Claudian emperors in particular achieved great notoriety, and a wide
variety of specific and “universal” antidotes came into vogue.
The history of poisons and poisoning goes back about 5 000 years to the earliest
written records of the human race. Menes, first of the Pharaohs, approximately 3 000
years BC studied and cultivated poisonous and medicinal plants – an interest retained
by the Egyptian court (Smith 1952:153), until the last Pharaoh, Cleopatra, probably
died of suicide by poisoning (Retief & Cilliers 1999:8-11). The cuneiform writings of
early Mesopotamia mention the use of poisons – a topic also dealt with in the written
records of ancient India and China. Early Greek myths tell of poisoners like Medea
and Hercules’ wife Deianira, and in the 5th century BC execution by poison was
accepted in Athenian law courts. In the Hippocratic oath, nevertheless, the students of
the great master are made to swear that they will not use poison (Lloyd 1983:67). The
Persian court was proficient in the art of poisoning (Smith 1952:155), while
Mithridates VI, king of Pontus at the turn of the first century BC and Attalus III, last
king of Pergamum in the second century, experimented with poisons on condemned
prisoners (Bloch 1987: 761-763).
In Rome the first record of poisoning dates back to 331 BC when a large
number of women were executed for suspected mass poisoning. Although we shall
Akroterion 45 (2000) 88-100
POISONS, POISONING AND THE DRUG TRADE
89
never know its true incidence, there is good evidence that poisoning occurred more
and more frequently among all levels of society, reaching a peak in the 1st and 2nd
centuries AD . In 80 BC the dictator Sulla promulgated strict laws against poisoning. 1
At the end of the 1st century AD the satirist Juvenal and others denounced their
decadent society, claiming that poisoning had become a status symbol, an accepted
way for mothers to get rid of husbands and stepchildren, and for children to get rid of
rich fathers who lived too long (Juv. 1.73-76; 6.133 and 602-643; 7.169; 14.250-255).
Kaufman (1932:156) states that the word venenum (venom) is derived from
Venus and originally meant a love potion. In actual usage it later had three meanings:
remedy, poison and magic drug or abortive; in fact, venenum is such an ambiguous
word that jurists demanded that “the user of the word venenum must add whether it is
beneficial or harmful”. 2 The Greek word pharmakon likewise referred to herb or drug
in general without distinguishing between its beneficial or harmful effects
(Horstmanshoff 1999:43). Veneficium meant poisoning or practicing sorcery, while
veneficus or venefica referred to a poisoner or preparer of drugs. The word scelus
(crime) is actually used by historians like Tacitus to indicate murder by poison ( Ann .
1.5.2; 4.10.2; 6.33.1; 12.66.3). Poisons were also used for suicide – royalty in
particular kept a supply for emergencies (Kaufman 1932:160). Pliny considered it
quite proper for the infirm elderly to end his or her miserable life by taking poison,
and opium in particular ( NH 2.197; 20.197-199).
The drug trade
Differentiation between producers of drugs (including poisonous substances), sellers
and prescribers of drugs in antiquity was much less clear cut than today. There were,
however, distinct intermediaries in this drug trade who played specific roles, as
summarised by Nutton (1985:138-145).
The Marsi or “travelling people” were at one end of the production chain.
Inhabiting the Abruzzi (central mountainous area of Italy), they had a reputation of
being wild and warlike with strange and archaic religious practices. They lived in
poverty, were excellent soldiers in the Roman army, but their only civilian attributes
lay in almost legendary magical powers as snake hunters and charmers, and druggists.
In many ways they were marginal people, who paid periodic visits to the cities,
selling their wares in the markets and performing daring acts as snake charmers. They
were reputed to have immunity against snake venom, and Galen admits to consulting
them on the value of drugs and antidotes. The Psylli, Nasamones and Palaeothebans
were similar peoples living elsewhere in the Mediterranean region, respected for their
skills with drugs, but frowned on by the early Christians who felt that they should not
be admitted to the flock without the greatest circumspection.
1
Although there existed a Quaestio de veneficiis before the time of Sulla (Dessau ILS 45), the
iudicia publica (among which the Quaestio de sicariis et veneficiis ) instituted by Sulla were
properly organized in that penalties were fixed and no appeal against the verdict was possible
(Scullard 1982:83 and 415-416 n.45.
2
Digesta 50.16.236. Reference thanks to Horstmanshoff 1999:43-44.
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CILLIERS & RETIEF
The so-called rootcutters ( rhizotomoi ) were much more acceptable to society
as true herbalists who knew and collected plant products, which were sold to
physicians and other interested parties. Some of them were recognized experts,
including the respected 1st century BC pharmacologist, Crataeus, assistant to
Mithridates. Most large cities had quarters frequented by the sellers of drugs
(including those inducing euphoric trances 3 and poisons) and hawkers (called an
agurtês , “the man who attracts a crowd” or ochlagôgos , “seducer of the crowd”), as
well as physicians in search of remedies, and a motley crowd in search of pleasures
associated with the variety of ointments, perfumes and spices. Gradually the drug
trade became very lucrative and expanded by way of contact with the Far East, Egypt,
Arabia, North Africa and Spain. In Rome these imported products were stored in
apothecae (derived from a Greek word which literally means “storeroom”) , where the
storeman ( apothecarius ) would list them.
Eventually the lucrativeness of the drug trade led to widespread fraud and
incompetence. Galen and others insisted that physicians should prepare their own
medicines, and not rely on herbalists to do so. As poisoning increased, there was a
growing trade in mithridatum, theriac and other so-called antidotes to poison.
However, Nutton (1985:144-145) points out that wide-spread and basic ignorance
about the action of medications led to the situation where the drug trade was
financially profitable, but from a medical point of view ineffective and even
disastrous.
As from the late 1st century BC certain persons (mostly women) became
infamous as dispensers of poison. The poet Horace ( Sat. 2.1.56) tells of Canidia who
terrorized her opponents with her efficiency at poisoning. Tacitus ( Ann. 2.69-74; 3.7)
relates that when the emperor Tiberius’ nephew Germanicus died under suspicious
circumstances ( AD 19), it was suspected that the notorious poisoner, Martina, a close
friend of Plancina, the wife of governor Piso who had quarreled with Germanicus,
was partially responsible. Martina was sent to Rome where the Senate planned an
investigation into Germanicus’ death. She suddenly died on the way. Her body bore
no signs of suicide, but poison was found hidden in a knot of her hair. Apollodorus, a
rhetorician of Pergamum, was convicted as poisoner, but he escaped to Massilia
where he opened a school (Kaufman 1932:165). Locusta was the most infamous of
these poisoners (Suet. Nero 33.3; 34; Claudius 44). Convicted of many crimes during
Claudius’ reign, she was not immediately executed, and subsequently approached by
Agippina, second wife of Claudius, to prepare a poison for her husband. When
Claudius died, he was immediately succeeded by Nero, Agrippina’s own son – who
then engaged Locusta to prepare a poison for his younger half-brother, Britannicus.
After the latter’s murder, Nero suspended Locusta’s death penalty and kept her as the
emperor’s adviser on poisons. He even organized a school of poisoning where she
could train others in her art. Locusta was allowed to test her poisons on animals and
convicted criminals.
3
According to Rutten (1997:32) the “top ten” drugs in Roman times inducing euphoric trances
when used in extremely low dosages were opium, mandragora, henbane, belladonna, thorn apple,
hemlock, aconite, cannabis sativa (dagga), alcohol, and poisonous mushrooms.
POISONS, POISONING AND THE DRUG TRADE
91
Known poisons
Our knowledge of poisonous substances known to the ancient Romans is derived
from the records of various contemporary writers. The Greek physician Diocles of
Carystus (4th century BC ) wrote an important book on botany of which we have
fragments (Sigerist 1971:38-39), but Theophrastus, associate and successor of
Aristotle as head of the Lyceum (4th century BC ), led the way in identifying plants
with medicinal (and poisonous) properties (Smith 1952:154). In the 1st century AD
Dioscorides wrote his famous De Materia Medica which superseded all existing
literature in classifying remedies and drugs from the animal, vegetable and mineral
kingdoms. This work which dealt with close on 1 000 drugs, became the standard text
for centuries to come. Information on poisons can also be gleaned from the writings
of Scribonius Largus ( AD 1-50), Pliny the Elder ( AD 23-79) and the poet Nicander
(2nd century AD ).
The following substances regarded as potentially lethal for man are mentioned by
at least one of the above authors. The toxic clinical picture produced by these
substances, is briefly discussed in the light of present knowledge. 4
1. Vegetable origin
(i) Henbane ( Hyoscyamus niger ). Symptoms: Rapid onset of dry mouth,
abnormally rapid heart beat and a progression of neurological symptoms
varying from sedation to delirium, hallucination, mania, paralysis, coma and
death.
(ii) Thorn apple ( Datura stramonium ). Symptoms: Rapid onset (within minutes of
ingestion) with clinical picture as for henbane. Seeds produce mainly maniacal
symptoms, white leaves tend towards stupor and coma. Survivors have
amnesia of the event.
(iii) Deadly nightshade ( Atropa belladonna ). Three berries said to be fatal for a
child. Symptoms as for henbane. Pliny ( NH 21.177-182) refers to this plant as
strychnos or trychnos, and mentions that spears were dipped in it. It was also
taken by priests and others who wished to go into temporary trances.
(iv) Mandrake, mandragora. Atropa mandragora. Symptoms include dry mouth
and rapid heart beat, but neurologically it caused sedation, motor depression
and twilight sleep, rather than excitation and delirium, as with previous drugs.
The toxins are mainly in the prominent root, which is long, often split into
two, and reminded the ancients of the human figure. There was a widely
shared belief that gathering the root was dangerous, as the plant, when
uprooted, uttered a shriek, which caused the death or insanity of those who
heard it. The root was thus merely loosened with a digger, and then attached to
For a detailed discussion of each of the poisons cf. Gilman et al 1985; Frohne & Pfander 1983;
and Watt & Breyer-Brandwijk 1962.
4
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CILLIERS & RETIEF
a dog, which completed the uprooting process but then fell down dead
(Guthrie 1958:116).
(v) Aconite, Monk’s hood ( Aconitum napellus ). Extremely poisonous even in
small doses. Symptoms: Rapid onset of numbness and tingling of the mouth
and throat which spreads over the rest of the body; pain and twitching of the
muscles, progressing to general weakness, cold and clammy extremities,
irregular heart rhythm and abnormally low blood pressure, respiratory
paralysis, drowsiness (occasionally convulsions), stupor and death.
(vi) Hemlock ( Conium maculatum ). Symptoms: Rapid onset of nausea, salivation
and vomiting, abdominal pain, headache and degrees of mental confusion.
General weakness may be associated with convulsions, and death is caused by
progressive paralysis and respiratory failure.
(vii) Hellebore. The name hellebore was given to a number of toxic plants, the
precise identification of which still causes confusion.
Helleborus niger. Symptoms: Rapid onset of tingling of the mouth, salivation,
vomiting, colic and diarrhoea. Dilation of pupils is common.
White hellebore. ( Veratrum album ). Very toxic. Symptoms: Rapid onset of
tingling over the whole body, sneezing, vomiting and diarrhoea, followed by
abnornally low blood pressure, cardiovascular collapse and respiratory
paralysis which may cause death.
Black hellebore. Veratrum nigrum . Similar to white hellebore, except that in
Europe this variety grows only south of the Alps . According to Pliny ( NH
25.53) this plant had to be gathered in a special way whilst looking to the east
and with no eagles overhead.
(viii) Colchicum , autumn crocus ( Colchicum autumnale ). Symptoms: Tingling of
the whole mouth and throat after 2-6 hours, is followed by an impaired ability
to swallow, nausea, vomiting and diarrhoea (often bloody). Circulation
collapse may follow, with general paralysis, often convulsions and even death
due to respiratory failure.
(ix) Yew ( Taxus baccato ) . Symptoms: After approximately one hour there is onset
of dizziness, vomiting, rapid heart beat, dilation of the pupils, dilation of the
superficial blood vessels causing a reddish face, and shallow breathing. Death
results from respiratory paralysis. Pliny ( NH 16.50-51) claimed that even
sleeping or resting under the tree could be fatal, but the yew became harmless
once a copper nail had been driven into it. He also mentions that arrows were
dipped in yew-sap to make them poisonous (apparently a reference to a
Scythian custom, as quoted by Aristotle, Mir . 837a13), and that that some
people thus used the word “taxic” when referring to poisons (from taxus > a
yew), but that in his own time the word “toxic” was in use (derived from the
Greek words to toxikon pharmakon meaning “arrow poison”).
(x)
Opium. Papaver somniferum. Symptoms: A somniferous state with euphoria
and pinpoint pupils, progressing to stupor with muscular relaxation, slow
respiration and ultimately death from respiratory failure. Pliny ( NH 20.197-

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